Diamond Investments have been as gemstones since the ancient times. Popularity of diamonds has risen since the 19th century because of successful advertising in spite of a greatly increased supply. Diamonds are not normally as a mainline store of value during times of crisis, because of their lack of fungibility and low liquidity. However, they may still be useful during times of hyperinflation. Approximately 20% of mined diamonds are in jewelry and 80% for industrial uses. Chemical vapor deposition to produce synthetic diamonds, which, unlike diamond stimulants, inherit all the properties of gemstones formed in nature. There is no natural shortage of diamonds. Diamonds synthesize at much lower cost than the equivalent natural diamond price, and the chemical and structural purity of a synthetic diamond can exceed a natural one. However, the chemical composition is not the only factor that determines their value - the quality of the cut is of as much, if not greater, importance. Today a few funds are investing in diamonds. These funds purchase unique diamonds; each stone check by a few professionals and negotiated until the fund decides to purchase it. Then a marketing team goes into action and through an extensive work, the fund yield gain. Between 2007 and 2008, the price of a diamond from the top range of color, clarity, cut and carat went up by over 50%. Polished and rough diamonds lack some of the desirable attributes of investment vehicles, including liquidity, homogeneity and fungibility. Grading and certification by recognized laboratories goes some way to redressing this. Weight and cutting proportions are parameters precisely measured. Color and clarity grades are parameters, which need to be determined by gemologists. The increasing quality and size, and decreasing price, of synthetic diamonds also presents a threat to the value of polished diamonds as a long-term investment. The possibility of low-cost ultra–high-quality diamonds becoming available in industrial quantities at some time in the future is not an encouraging prospect for long-term investors in diamonds; however, synthetic diamonds manufactured since the 1950s and have yet to make a major impact on the market. A cautionary example of such a price fall caused by introduction of a new stimulant strongly undermining the prices of a natural gem was the permanent fall in natural pearl prices with the introduction of cultured pearls. The mechanism by which prices affected is complex. In part because of the social acceptability of wearing cultured pearls to much of the market, customers migrated from the natural to the lower priced cultured product. This altered the supply and demand situation for natural pearls and perhaps the overall prestige of pearls in general lowered. Where synthetic stones are less socially acceptable to the market for the natural version, arguably as with synthetic markets, natural and synthetic, are mostly separate, the prestige of the natural stones has been, with effort, retained. Thus, increased availability and lowered prices of synthetics may or may not have major implications for the future price of natural diamonds. In addition, the introduction of synthetic rubies in the late 19th Century did not appear to have a permanent effect on the price of natural rubies. There are several factors contributing to low liquidity of diamonds. One of the main is the lack of terminal market. Most commodities have terminal markets, and some form of commodities exchange, clearing house, and central storage facilities. Until recently, this did not exist for diamonds. Diamonds subject to value added tax in the UK, EU, and sales tax in most developed countries, therefore reducing their effectiveness as an investment medium. Most diamonds are through retail stores at very high profit margins. As diamonds in larger become increasingly rare and valuable, any easily visible and readily understood pricing system has been difficult to establish. The Rapaport Diamond Report is relatively expensive to subscribe to, and as such is not readily available to consumers and investors. Each week, there are matrices of diamond prices for round brilliant cut diamonds, by color and clarity within size bands, and also other shapes. The price matrix for brilliant cuts alone exceeds 1,400 entries, and even achieved only by grouping some grades together. There are considerable price shifts near the edges of the size bands, so a 0.49 carats (98 mg) stone may list at $5,500 per carat = $2,695, while a 0.50 carats (100 mg) stone of similar quality lists at $7,500 per carat = $3,750. This may appear such a large difference as to defy logic, but in reality, stones near the top of a size band tend to be up rated slightly. Some of the price jumps related to marketing and consumer expectations. A buyer expecting a 1 carat (200 mg) diamond solitaire engagement ring may be unprepared to accept a 0.99 carats (198 mg) diamond. There are numerous diamond-grading laboratories, and there is no easy way for investors, consumers, or even dealers to know the relative competence and integrity of each. Even the market-leading Gemological Institute of America (GIA) suffered embarrassment recently when a small number of large, important and valuable diamonds were over graded, resulting in legal action by one dealer against the dealer who had submitted them to the GIA for grading. A number of GIA employees left after the scandal emerged, and the GIA has changed a number of its procedures. There are also a number of laboratories affiliated to Jewelry Confederation. There must be commercial pressure on all labs to upgrade marginal stones or lose business to other labs that are prepared to reduce standards. The non-linear pricing of different sizes (weights) of diamonds means that it is not realistic to exchange. With commodities such as gold, it is clear that one twenty gram bar is worth the same as two ten gram bars, assuming the same quality. In most terminal markets, there needs to be a readily available standard quality, or limited number of qualities, available in sufficient quantity to be tradable. This is a major factor, which affects liquidity. The large number of variables in diamond quality makes commodity-like pricing difficult. There are fashion and marketing elements to take into consideration. De Beers expends marketing efforts to encourage sales of diamond sizes and qualities, which produced in relatively large quantities. They have to take steps to discourage investment, primarily because they perceive that bubble prices, which followed by sharp falls, are bad for long-term consumer confidence in diamonds as a long-term store of value. Diamonds are primarily a consumer item. The main positive investment parameter of diamonds is their high value per unit weight, which makes them easy to store and transport. A high quality diamond weighing as little as 2 or 3 grams could be worth as much as 100 kilos of gold. This extremely condensed value and portability does bestow diamonds as a form of emergency disaster fund. People and populations displaced by war or extreme upheaval have utilized this property successfully. The arguments given mean that it is almost certain that diamonds cannot commoditize sufficiently to allow efficient and liquid markets. This does not mean, however, that diamonds can never considered as investments. A speculator who was prepared to make a market in diamonds could use the very lack of liquidity itself. Any such investor would need to ensure that he maintained sufficient personal liquidity to avoid distress selling, except by others. Such an investor would need to expend effort to market his stock and to advertise his readiness to buy and would effectively become a trader rather than investor.

Bastra

 

Bastra, the Greek deformation of the Arabic word Basra, which is also a similar game played in Egypt, Lebanon and other Middle-Eastern countries, is a popular fishing card game similar to Cassino very popular in Cyprus.

The game was probably introduced to the Cypriots through the Turks during the Ottoman occupation. There are also variations of the game played in Greece, such as Diloti and Kseri. The game has been exported by both the Cypriot and Turkish diasporas and is played in Cypriot communities in Australia, Canada, England and the United States, usually passed on by the first generation of immigrants to their children and grandchildren. Despite this, the game is virtually unknown in these countries outside of the Cypriot and Greek communities. In Turkey the game is still very popular.

The game is played with a 52 card deck and can involve two, three or four players, although the game is most interesting in the two or four player versions. In the four player version, the players can play for themselves or in two player teams. The first team or player to score 100 points is the winner.
The play

The dealer starts by dealing 1 card to each player, starting with the player on the dealer's left, until each player has 4 cards. The dealer then places 4 cards in the middle of the table, called the board. If 1 or more of the 4 cards is a jack, the dealer returns the jacks to the bottom of the deck and replaces it or them with the next cards from the top of the deck. The play begins with the player to the dealer’s left until all cards are played out. The players either collect fish cards from the board or add a card to the board if they cannot fish any cards. After the cards are exhausted, the dealer then deals each player 4 more cards from the remaining deck. The dealer, however, does not deal 4 cards onto the board as done for the opening hand. The hands are played out until there are no remaining cards to be dealt.

In the two player version, each round has six hands, in the three player version, each round has four hands, and in the four player version, each round consists of three hands.
Scoring

The scoring is as follows:

    The aces, which have a numeral value of 1, are worth 1 point each.
    The jacks are worth 1 point each.
    The two of clubs is worth 2 points.
    The ten of diamonds is worth 3 points.
    The player or team that collects the most cards in a given hand receives 3 points. In the event of a tie, each player or team receives 3 points.
    The player or team that collects all the cards in play without benefit of a jack receives 10 points, or a bastra.

Collecting cards

The object of the game is to collect total cards and cards that are worth various points. Cards are collected as follows:

    Pairing: Any card may be used to take another card or cards of the same denomination, i.e. a 7 takes a 7, a king takes a king, a 6 takes two 6s, etc.
    Combining: Multiple cards may be collected through adding the numeral value of the cards together. For example, the board shows 2, an ace, 5 and 4. A player with a 3 could take 2 and the ace 2+1=3, or a player holding a 9 could take 5 and 4 5+4=9, or a player holding a 7 could take 2, the ace and 4 2+1+4=7.
        A player may also collect combinations of the same sum. For example, if the board shows 5, 4, 2 and 7, a 9 would take all 4 cards, i.e. 5+4 and 2+7=9.
    Pairing and combining: Taking cards through pairing and combining can occur on the same play. For example, if the board showed 3 6 5 4 and 9, a 9 would take all the cards, i.e. 3+6 and 5+4=9, plus the 9 would be paired with the 9.

On the last hand, there are often uncollected cards left on the board. These cards are awarded to the last player or team to collect a card.
Jack

The jack is the most powerful card because it can collect all the cards on the board. However, if a jack is played onto an empty board, it is lost and remains in play until one of the players can collect it, usually with another jack.

 

The bastra is the most important scoring play of the game since it is worth 10 points. A bastra occurs when a player succeeds in clearing the board without benefit of a jack. For example, if the board shows just a 7 and a player collects it with another 7, that player or team receives 10 points. In another scenario, if the board shows 3 and 2 and a player collects them with a 5, that player or team also receives 10 points. In the rare event that a jack takes a solitary jack, a 50 point bastra is awarded.

 

The players place the collected cards close to their position at the table. To record bastras, the player places the bastra card face up, sticking out of the player's pile of collected cards. The dealer should be careful to place his or her collected cards away from the deck, so as to avoid confusion. Players are not allowed to look at their collected cards until the end of the hand. At the end of the hand, the players count their total cards and points.

 

The game ends when one player or team reaches 100 points. In the rare event of a tie 2 players or teams finish even beyond the 100 point mark there are various tie-breaking options, determined by the players by mutual consent. The game can be declared a draw, or an extra hand or hands can be played until the tie is broken. Or the players can extend the game to a fixed number of points 20, 30 or 50.

The dead man's hand is a two-pair poker hand, namely aces and eights. This card combination gets its name from a legend that it was the five-card-draw hand held by Wild Bill Hickok, when he was murdered on August 2, 1876, in Saloon No. 10 at Deadwood, South Dakota. According to the popular version, Hickok's final hand included the aces and eights of both black suits. As Hickok's biographer, Joseph Rosa puts it: the accepted version is that the cards were the ace of spades, the ace of clubs, two black eights clubs and spades, and the queen of clubs as the kicker. However, Rosa says no contemporary source for this exact hand can be found. The earliest detailed reference to the dead man's hand is 1886, where it was described as a full house consisting of three jacks and a pair of tens. In accounts that mention two aces and eights, there are various claims regarding the identity of Hickok's fifth card, suggestions that he had discarded one card and/or that the draw was curtailed by the shooting and Hickok therefore never received his fifth card. In the HBO television historical drama series Deadwood, a nine of diamonds is depicted, although the show posits that another player concocted the hand, to further his own newsworthiness. An episode of Ripley's Believe it or Not shows Hickok holding a queen of clubs. An episode of Quantum Leap also shows Sam's love interest holding a Dead Man's Hand. Historical displays in the town of Deadwood, including one in a reconstruction of the original Saloon No. 10, also show the nine of diamonds as the fifth card. The Lucky Nugget Gambling Hall, which holds the historic site of Saloon No. 10, instead displays a jack of diamonds. The Adams Museum in Deadwood has a display that claims to be the actual squeezer cards held by Hickok. The hand is: ace of diamonds, ace of clubs, eight of hearts, eight of spades, and the queen of hearts. The Stardust on the Las Vegas Strip has used a five of diamonds in related displays and the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department Homicide Division uses the dead man's hand in its insignia, as does the Armed Forces Medical Examiner System.

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Gambling Disorders

The beliefs of a society about a health condition can have a huge impact on the people who suffer from the disorder. Public opinion can influence public health policy, public and private harm minimization efforts, research funds and treatment support. At the individual level, negative public views of a disease and the stigma it creates can strongly discourage individuals from admitting that he or she has the problem and seeking treatment for the condition. There is little data available on public opinion of gambling disorders; however, a new study published in the Journal of Gambling Studies fills this void with a systematic examination of public opinion on gambling disorders.

Researchers conducted telephone surveys with 8,467 adults in the Toronto area and questioned people about their opinions of how to best understand gambling disorders. Researchers asked if gambling disorders should be treated as a disease or illness, a wrongdoing, a habit, not disease or an addiction similar to drug addiction. Researchers also inquired if people with gambling disorders can get well on their own or must seek treatment to improve and polled adults on whether people with gambling disorders can reduce their gambling to that of a social gambler or if they need to quit altogether. The survey also gathered information on the gambling behavior and demographics of the respondents.

The researchers found that most people viewed gambling disorders as an addiction similar to drug addiction, with one-third seeing gambling as a habit and 17 percent viewing gambling as a form of wrongdoing. Responses to whether gamblers needed treatment to recover showed a split jury, and three out of four thought that abstinence from gambling activities must happen for recovery. Examining the demographics, the researchers found that being female, married, younger and without gambling problems paralleled believing that treatment and abstinence were necessary. In addition, people who viewed gambling problems as a disease or addiction also believed that treatment and abstinence for recovery are necessary.

The researchers noted that public perceptions reported in their study mimic the results of a 2003 study that examined the views of the public on alcohol use, with 71 percent of respondents saying that abstinence must occur for recovery. This popularly held belief is also the view of much of the scientific community as reflected by the upcoming changes the American Psychiatric Association is making.

Finally, researchers concluded that people with gambling disorders were less likely to think that treatment and abstinence were necessary for recovery. This may be because many people who meet the clinical guidelines for a gambling disorder do not think they have a problem and even those who believe they do have a problem are unlikely to seek treatment.